Brian Lande
Intro. to Cultural Anthropology
Paper #2
4/8/98
3368 Words
On March 23, 1998, I carried out an interview and field observation
to confirm a previous hypothesis on Amish social change and survival.
I hypothesized, based on library research and personal experience,
that Amish society was not static but dynamic and affected by many
factors such as economics and cultural survival. In order to check
the validity of my hypothesis I arranged to spend a full Sunday
(March 23, 1998), with an Amish family. I attended church services at
the Westhaven Amish-Mennonite Church in New Holland, Pennsylvania,
and afterward spent the day observing and interviewing with an Amish
dairy farmer named Aaron and his wife Anna. They have six children
and live on a dairy farm in Lancaster County Pennsylvania, which is a
large farming community. I met Aaron and his family roughly four
years ago while in Lancaster County with my family and since then our
families have remained in close contact. Thus, to do an ethnography
on the Amish, my primary informant was Aaron, someone I was already
comfortable speaking with.
What I found in the process of my observation and interview was that
my hypothesis on social change and survival was greatly influenced by
my own secular and scientific world view. I had also underplayed the
importance of certain key ideas which help to explain Amish cultural
ideologies, Amish survival, Amish social change, and dynamics. I
found that religion, more than I had assumed, played a crucial role
in Amish survival in America. The Amish family, I also found,
contributed to the rate of Social Change. Prosperity, to my surprise,
played a greater part in social change than I had previously thought.
In addition, I was able to establish the accuracy of other research
information on Amish society that I had collected and observed.
Realizing that vast cultural cleavages exist between Amish society
and my own, I am not surprised, in retrospect, to find
communications, as is probably common in most anthropological
studies, was the most difficult aspect of my interview. The
educational barrier that existed between myself and Aaron during the
interview was one of the complications that I experienced. What I had
not thought about before carrying out my interview with Aaron, was
that he would not be familiar with Sociological, Anthropological, and
Economic concepts, terms, and theories which I had learned through my
college education. Aaron, like most Amish, only had formal education
until eighth grade. Thus, when asking questions such as "does
anabaptisim contribute to Amish cultural survival in America?" Aaron
was unable to directly answer the question until I had modified or
rephrased it. Variations in vocabulary also had to be overcome in
order to establish a basis of fluid communication, where both Aaron
and I could understand each other. Another problem I encountered was
that the average Amish man and even "the English" (Amish term for
Americans other than Amish) do not consciously think about or know
why social change takes place or why their culture has survived. They
do not share the same world view that a sociologist or anthropologist
develops. Except for popularized social movements, more often than
not, social change is taken for granted or ignored and allowed to
take its course. Due to this, Aaron had some difficulty in answering
my questions related to social change and cultural survival.
Not only are there language and cultural differences, but the way in
which I have learned to communicate differs greatly from that of the
Amish. While my family often discusses intellectual topics, feelings,
etc, the Amish don't talk much. During and after my interview with
Aaron, there was a small group of men sitting with each other.
However, these men often just sit without talking for long periods of
time. This is cultural, the Amish are not talkers but a people of
action. They don't discuss theology, but they try to live it. This
Amish characteristic to be reticent (there are the few yappers)
influenced my interview in that I was trying to have an intellectual
discussion to determine Amish social change with an individual who
not only had not considered this but was unfamiliar with having long
discussions or questioning why things are the way they are!
The next obstacle I encountered was that of introspection. How often
do average members of a society question what they do and and why
they do it? The truth is, unless that is your profession or you are
naturally introspective, it most often won't occur. An anthropologist
must deal with why a culture thinks it does what it does and then
de-construct that view to form a more objective interpretation.
Anthropologists are dealing with the cultures inside view and his own
outside view. This is a similar problem that I encountered with the
Amish. There are other particular issues that also apply to the
Amish's lack of introspection. First of all, the Amish don't like to
think of the self, to do so, they believe, is sinful. Without being
able to think of one's self or culture, it is difficult to look back
on yourself and relate it to your culture,or to analyze the cause of
social change. The Amish glorify God, not the individual or culture.
Thus, the Amish have dedicated their time to discovering God's will--
not causes of social change. To ask why social change
occurs is contrary to the Amish's world where God is why
. The problem that I have as a fledgling anthropologist is that I
come from a secular world and belief while the Amish come from a
world of sacred belief. I am culturally biased towards more
objective, scientific, and secular theories, while the Amish are are
religious. This was the greatest obstruction to my interview. I come
from a world view where economics, cultural survival, and social
forces are the cause of social change. For the Amish, change is part
of God's plan. To ask why is absurd when it is God who makes and
decides change! When science tries to study the sacred, we often find
the limitations of science in understanding that which is ineffable.
Given these issues, would I have been able to find more
truth by observation alone and omitting the interview? I
think the answer is no. Together, observing and interviewing, helped
me understand more accurately these "strangers," even with the
acknowledged limitations of my methodology.
For the first part of my ethnography, I spent two hours visiting and
observing the Amish church services. During the sermon, the ministers
main points was to reinforce the Amish belief that they are to live
as "Strangers of the World" (Amish Sermon, 3/23/98). Immediately, I
realized that I had left out an intriguing point from my previous
paper which would help to explain Amish culture, survival in America,
Amish social change, and dynamics. In my paper, "Cultural Change and
Survival in Amish Society" (1998), I postulated that social and
economic forces were why the Amish have remained
separated from American society and the "world," but had forgotten
the Biblical reasons. (another cultural bias). The reason, I
observed, was Biblical and deeply rooted in the Amish's Christian
beliefs.
"Hear my prayer, O Lord, listen to my cry for help; be not deaf to my
weeping. For I dwell with you as an alien, a
stranger, as all my fathers were ." (Psalm 39:12); "We
are aliens and strangers in your sight, as were all our forefathers.
Our days on earth are like a shadow, without hope ." (1
Chronicles 29:30); "Dear friends, I urge you as aliens and
strangers in the world, to abstain from sinful desires, which war
against your soul ." (1 Peter 2:11).
Here, in these Biblical phrases, we can finally understand
why the Amish live a pious life of simplicity and why
they consider themselves "strangers in the world". An explanation can
be found in Psalm 39;12, which is interpreted by the Amish that they
should live their lives on earth before God only as pilgrims and
"strangers in the world". "Strangers of the world" is a vague
statement so I will try to clarify it. A stranger is defined by the
American Heritage Dictionary (1982, stranger ) as:
1. A person who is neither a friend nor an
acquaintance; 2 . A foreigner, newcomer, or
outsider; 3. A person who is unaccustomed to or
unacquainted with something specified...4. A visitor
or guest
The above definitions are how the Amish feel they relate to the
world. The Amish believe that they are outsiders or visitors to this
world; they are to stay removed from the evils of the world that
surrounds them. By being pilgrims, the Amish mean that they are
strangers on a journey to their ultimate destination. The material
world to the Amish is "like a shadow with no hope" (1 Chronicles
24:30). From these and other Biblical phrases, the Amish have created
a society that separates them from the material world-- a world that
they are commanded to avoid in the Bible.
This Amish belief that they are strangers and pilgrims who must be
separate from the secular world is not only the foundation of Amish
culture, but it has also served as a method of shielding Amish
culture from the influence of outside cultures and thus, has
contributed to Amish survival in America. As the world around them
has changed and turned to a world focused primarily on the
acquisition of material goods, the Amish, because of their strong
religious beliefs, have been, to some extent, able to avoid material
temptation and shield themselves from the materialistic society that
surrounds them. They focus on glorifying God, not themselves. To
glorify themselves is to worship the "golden calf". Christianity
binds the Amish together into a cohesive society. It provides a sense
of belonging that, unlike other social forces, is hard to break. This
sense of identity that is brought to Amish society by Christianity is
greatly responsible for retaining Amish youth from the tempting
culture that surrounds them.
In my interview with Aaron after the church services, I was able to
find out even more about the effects of religion on Amish survival
and change. Christianity, Aaron confirmed, serves as the foundation
and guideline for Amish life as well as creating a strong set of
beliefs and norms by which the Amish may identify themselves. The
Amish have been able to utilize this social force and unity to
preserve their culture. However, even though the Amish, through their
religion, try to remain strangers from the world of "sin" that
surrounds them, they tacitly recognize that Christianity alone is not
enough to keep Amish society together. Aaron explained that the Amish
have acknowledged the need to change in order to survive while
surrounded by an incongruent culture. Not only do the Amish
acknowledge that their culture must change over time, the Amish see
it as inevitable . I would like to emphasize this
statement because it is key to understanding the Amish society as
well as showing that their culture is dynamic rather than static.
What I did not realize, and left out of my previous report, was the
importance of religion and the church in determining change. The
church is the chosen governor of social change which According to
Aaron, is in order for the church to make only changes that are
consistent with Biblical principles. By allowing the church of the
district to vote on matters of social change, the Amish insure a
thoughtful, purposeful, and slow look into the effects of social
change. According to the "Statement of Christian Doctrine and
Standard of Practice" (Westhaven Amish Mennonite Church 1994,
p.38):
We Also recognize that changes in application in our standards of
practice may be needed as time goes on. Nevertheless, we believe that
changes should not be hasty and should not be made without prayerful
consideration. All proposals shall be voted on with a 75% vote of
those present, for any change to be made.
As we see with the use of the words "changes should not be made
without prayerful consideration", the Amish integrate social change
into their religious practices. The rate in which change takes place
is also not left to individuals or an anonymous mass society but
again is decided through an intimate religious context. Social change
exists in Amish society but, while the Amish condone social change
when needed, most Amish, according to Aaron, would rather see society
remain simple, with as little change from the past as possible, and
focused on obedience to God, not worship of material possessions.
After finishing my conversation with Aaron about how
social change comes about, I questioned him on why
social change takes place, checking to see if his reasons
corresponded with those that I hypothesized to be the reasons for
social change. I first questioned him as to the effects of economics
on Amish social change. Aaron responded that economics effected Amish
society by creating occupations that were not related to farming but
rather to carpentry, dry goods, and construction. This change from
farming, according to Aaron, was caused by a growing population of
Amish and the crowding of Lancaster County. Changes in occupation
were not necessarily viewed as detrimental by the Amish as one might
have supposed. When I asked Aaron why, he said it was because it
created many new businesses that were owned and operated by other
Amish. This allowed the Amish to go to other Amish for services
instead of relying on non-Amish for services, in addition to creating
more jobs with Amish employers.
While the forces of economic survival seemed to be one of the
greatest causes of social change, the next factor that Aaron thought
led to social change was completely unexpected. Prosperity and
comfort, Aaron said, were a constant source of social change, both in
his life and in those of many other Amish. As many Amish have moved
beyond a subsistence economy, they are going through the same changes
that most industrial societies have had to deal with--increasing
efficiency, profits, and having extra time and leisure to deal with.
While I tried to offer evidence in my last paper that the Amish were
a dynamic culture rather than static, my reasons for social change
were all in the macro-perspective, focused on large scale social
forces such as the market place. According to Aaron, this was not the
case in a growing number of Amish churches. While much of the
mechanical equipment found on Aaron's farm is allowed for economic
reasons, such things as diesel engines, electric ovens, electric
stoves, electric refrigerators, telephones, and electric lights are
the result of a desire to live a more comfortable life. What many
Americans don't understand is that though the Amish don't focus their
lives on the acquisition of material goods, because of their
religious beliefs, they don't believe that they must live in abject
poverty either. There is nothing (according to Aaron) in the Bible
that says that one must live in poverty to live a godly life and be a
"stranger of the world". The Amish don't believe in vanity and
worldliness. They do, however, feel that if one works hard and lives
a pious life that they may enjoy some comforts. That is, if it is not
for vain purposes. Thus, some Amish groups, such as the New Order
Amish (the order which Aaron has belonged to for much of his life),
have allowed the use of electricity to power refrigerators, heat,
ovens, and electric lights. Other changes such as the use of the
telephone and fax are allowed because of the convenience that it
brings to business and communication with far-away family members and
friends. However, the Amish church works hard to keep prosperity and
leisure from leading to distraction or focus on the material
world.
That some social changes are mandated in the realm of the church, and
other control of life and change is determined by the family at the
micro level, is another factor that Aaron attributed to social
change. For instance, while the church may require its Amish members
to dress in a plain fashion, whether or not an Amish family uses
buttons or snaps may be a family decision. Or in business, while the
church may require business to be moderate and discreet, it is not
mandated as to what profession you work in, whether
carpentry or farming. There are many aspects of family life that are
not controlled by the church. This allows for small but constant
changes to be made in Amish society. The individual way that parents
raise their children, which is largely outside the control of the
church, can have a great impact on future social changes. Amish
parents raise their children according to their own understanding of
Biblical principles and random past experience. If parents lead a
more progressive family, the children may grow up believing in less
restrictions, join a less conservative church, or try to institute
change. Where the child is educated, how, and for how many years, is
also often not regulated by the Amish Church. This was a surprise to
me. I had assumed that the church prohibited more than an eighth
grade education but this appears not to be the truth. The many
nuances of Amish life are not regulated by the church but rather by
the family. This allows for a great variety of flexibility in Amish
life which may, over time, lead to small changes in social
structure.
As for Amish survival in America, I wished to determine what part
volunteer baptism and shunning (excommunication) had on protecting
Amish culture. Volunteer baptism, in which the adult Amish person
must choose to join the church, Aaron agreed, kept those who would
not accept Amish doctrine out of Amish society. By voluntary
exclusion, the Amish are guaranteed a relatively pure society devoid
of those who would be egregious to Amish society. Shunning or
excommunication, when an Amish person is cut off from communication
with family and other Amish by the church, Aaron said, was used as a
fear tactic in which to keep Amish from breaking Amish doctrine.
Social isolation, such as shunning, acts as a strong deterrent to any
individual or individuals acting in ways that might be detrimental to
Amish society. Thus, ones not only cut off from one's church, but
one's family. Other theories and information related to the economy,
courting, marriage, and history were all deemed verifiably
accurate.
Carrying out an ethnography has many difficulties. The largest, of
course, is communication and assumptions. Gaps in education mean that
an anthropologist must make an effort to communicate with a culture
that is educated in a different matter, translating certain theories
into more simplified forms. Vocabulary can also pose a communications
problem, requiring the alteration of questions into a more compatible
format. Secular ways of thinking also come in conflict when studying
a culture that has a sacred world view. An anthropologist must also
be aware of his secular biases when studying another culture that is
primarily founded on the sacred. Amish social change is not only
affected by economics and cultural survival, but is correlated with
Amish religious doctrine and the desire to remain biblically as
"strangers of the world." Other factors that contribute to Amish
social change are the influence of the desire to live a comfortable
life with smaller individual influences originating not from church
decisions, but from the family. All this information obtained from my
ethnography has helped establish my previous paper's hypothesis that
Amish society is not static but a dynamic society where change not
only occurs, but is expected.
The American Heritage Dictionary, Second College Edition
. 1982. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company
Amish Minister (Name Unknown). 1998. Field Observation. March 23. New
Holland, PA:Westhaven Amish Mennonite Church
Barker, Kenneth (General Editor). The NIV Study Bible, New
International Version. Grand Rapids,Michigan: Zondervan
Publishing House
Westhaven Amish Mennonite Church. 1994. Statement of Christian
Doctrine and Standard of Practice . New Holland, PA 17557
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